Geiselstellungen von der Antike bis zur Neuzeit

639 Dokumente in 'Geiselstellungen von der Antike bis zur Neuzeit'
Name
 
1051 Geiselstellung an König Eduard den Bekenner durch Godwin, Graf von Wessex
Name
1051 Geiselstellung an König Eduard den Bekenner durch Godwin, Graf von Wessex
Datum/Zeitangabe
1051
Inhalt/Kommentar
1042 erlangte Edward der Bekenner nach dem Tod Haralds I. von England die Herrschaft über England. Edward, der Sohn Æthelreds des Unberatenen, hatte die meiste Zeit während der Herrschaft Knuts des Großen und seiner Söhne über England in der Normandie verbracht. Mit der Herrschaft Edwards des Bekenners ist ein wachsender normannischer Einfluss in England zu verzeichnen. Edward setzte Getreue normannischer Herkunft in verschiedene Ämter in England ein.
Godwin Wulfnothson war unter den dänischstämmigen Königen aufgestiegen und hatte das Earldom über Wessex erlangt. Er und seine Söhne hatten sich nach dessen Herrschaftsantritt hinter Edward gestellt. Godwin hielt das Earldom von Wessex und seine Söhne Harold und Sweyn die Earldoms von East Anglia und den South-west Midlands. Große Teile Süd- und Mittelenglands befanden sich in der Hand der Godwinsons, die somit eine Vormachtstellung in England hatten. Die vermeintliche Bevorzugung normannischer bzw. auswärtiger Amtsträger führte zu wachsendem Unmut bei Teilen des englischen Adels. Eine wichtige Rolle bei dieser oppositionellen Strömung nahm Earl Godwin ein. Die Gegensätze zwischen dem König und dem Earl steigerten sich, als Edward 1050 das vakante Erzbistum von Canterbury nicht, wie von den Mönchen in Canterbury gewünscht, mit Ælric, einem Verwandten Godwins, besetzte, sondern mit Robert von Jumièges, einem Normannen.
Anlass zum offenen Ausbruch eines Konflikts zwischen Edward und Godwin bot ein Vorfall im Jahre 1051. Während eines Besuchs Eustaces von Boulogne gerieten er und sein Gefolge in einen Konflikt mit den Bewohnern der Stadt Dover, bei dem es auf beiden Seiten zu Toten kam. Eustace wandte sich daraufhin an den König, der Godwin aufforderte, gegen die Bewohner Dovers vorzugehen. Dieser stellte sich jedoch hinter die Stadtbevölkerung. Im Umfeld einer Versammlung am 7. September in Gloucester steigerte sich der Konflikt, wobei Edward unter anderem von Erzbischof Robert beraten wurde. Beide Seiten mobilisierten militärische Resourcen.
Um einen Krieg zu vermeiden, wurde in Gloucester eine weitere Versammlung in London festgesetzt, auf der sich Godwin und seine Söhne gegen sie erhobene Vorwürfe verteidigen sollten. Sweyn wurde zum Gesetzlosen erklärt. Im Vorfeld sollten von beiden Seiten Geiseln ausgetauscht werden. In diesem Zusammenhang überstellte Godwin wohl seinen Sohn Wulfnoth und seinen Enkel Hakon an Edward. Die vereinbarte Stellung von Geiseln von Seiten Edwards unterblieb offenbar. Godwin erschien nicht in London und forderte mehrfach die Stellung von Geiseln für seine Sicherheit. Der Grund für das Unterbleiben der Geiselstellung durch Edward war offenbar, dass Godwins Anhängerschaft bröckelte, während Edwards Unterstützer an Stärke zulegten. Edward forderte schließlich von Godwin das Erscheinen in London mit 12 Bürgen. Durch Vermittlung Bischof Stigands von Winchester konnte Godwin schließlich zur Überstellung der bei ihm und seinen Söhnen Harold und Sweyn verbliebenen Thegn an den König bewegt werden.
Godwin, seine Frau Gytha sowie die Söhne Sweyn und Tostig gingen bei Baldwin von Flandern ins Exil. Harold und Leofwine flohen nach Irland. Godwin und seine Söhne wurden ihrer Ländereien enthoben. Königin Edith, Edwards Frau und Godwins Tochter, wurde enteignet und in ein Kloster gesandt.
Neue Prisanz erfuhr der Konflikt 1052, als Godwin und seine Söhne mit Schiffen nach England einfielen. Nachdem Harold im Westen zunächst zurückgeschlagen wurde, konnte ein vereintes Heer der Godwinsons schließlich bis London vorstoßen. Unter Vermittlung der übrigen Magnaten konnte der König schließlich zum Einlenken bewegt werden. Der Konflikt wurde schließlich mit der Wiedereinsetzung Godwins und seiner Söhne und der Wiederaufnahme der Königin am Hof beigelegt.
Eine Rückgabe der Geiseln erfolgte nicht. Sie gelangten wahrscheinlich zwischen 1051 und 1052 an Wilhelm von der Normandie. Die Aussage späterer normannischer Autoren, Edward habe damit Wilhelm eine Folge auf den Thron in England versichern wollen, wird kontrovers diskutiert, ist aber unwahrscheinlich. Hakon wurde 1064 von Harold Godwinson aus der Normandie nach England zurückgebracht, während Wulfnoth als Sicherheit für ein vermeintliches Gefolgschaftsversprechen Harolds an Wilhelm von der Normandie als Geisel bei diesem verblieb. Er starb später während der Herrschaft Wilhelms II. in Salisbury als Gefangener.
Probleme bei der Rekonstruktion der genauen Umstände der Stellung Wulfnoths und Hakons als Geiseln, bzw. von deren weiteren Schicksal bereitet die zwar vielfältige, aber kontroverse Quellenlage. In den frühen Quellen werden die genauen Personalien der Geiseln nicht genannt. Spätere Quellen, nach der normannischen Eroberung Englands, sind von den Ereignissen des Jahres 1066 geprägt. So sind etwa Bestrebungen normannischer Quellen erkennbar, die Übergabe der Geiseln an Wilhelm von der Normandie als Legitimierung Wilhelms als Edwards Nachfolger zu deuten. Spätere englische Quellen sind von der normannischen Sicht beeinflusst und um Gegendarstellungen bemüht. Daher werden auch die Umstände, unter denen die Geiseln in die Normandie gelangten sowie deren spätere Bedeutung im Vorfeld der normannischen Eroberung kontrovers diskutiert. Auch die genauen verwandtschaftlichen Beziehungen insbesondere Hakons zu Godwin und Harold gehen nicht eindeutig aus den Quellen hervor.
Dieser Fall steht in Zusammenhang mit dem Fall: „1064 Geiselstellung an Wilhelm von der Normandie durch Harold Godwinson“
Quellenangabe
 
#1
Quellenangabe
Wilhelm von Poitiers: Gesta Guillelmi, Ralph H. C. Davies, Marjorie Chibnall (Übers.), The Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers (Oxford Medieval Texts), Oxford 1998
Quellentext
(1.14) Edwardus autem, dum grato reputaret affectu quam suptuosam liberalitatem, quam singularem honorem, quam familiarem dilectionem in Normannia sibi impenderit princeps Guillelmus, tam beneficiis quam linea consanguinitis longe sibi coniunctior; quinetiam quam studioso eius auxilio in regnum ab exilio sit restitutus, potissimum aliquid atque gratissimum recompensare desiderans more honestorum; coronae quam per eum adeptus est, eum rata donatione haeredem statuere decrevit. Optimatum igitur suorum assensu per Robertum Cantuariensem archipraesulem hujus delegationis mediatorem obsides potentissimae parentelae Goduini comitis filium ac nepotem ei direxit.

(1.41) Per idem fere tempus Edwardus rex Anglorum suo iam statuto haeredi Guillelmo, quem loco germani aut prolis adamabat, grauiore quam fuerit cautum pignore cauit. Placuit obitus necessitatem praeuenire, cuius horam homo sancta uita ad caelestia tendens, proximam affore meditabatur. Fidem sacramento confirmaturum Heraldum ei destinavit, cunctorum sub dominatione sua diversis, honore atque potentia eminentissimum, cujus antea frater et fratruelis obsides fuerant accepti de successione eadem.

(1.46) Receptus in sua, percarum hospitem Heraldum apud se post moratum aliquandiu, donis onustum omisit; digne utroque et cuius iussu et pro cuius honore ampliando uenerat. Qui etiam fratuelis eius alter obses cum ipso redux propter ipsum redditus est.

(2.12) Obsides mihi dedit Godwini filium ac nepotem.
Übersetzungen
1.14) But Edward, when he reckoned with a real gratitude what sumptuous liberality, what singular honour, what intimate affection he had been shown in Normandy by prince William, to whom he was bound as much by these benefits as by a long line of consanguinity, and in addition what vigorous hope he had received in hs return from exile to his kingdom, wished to recognize him in a way benefiting his power and gratitude, as do all good men. So he determined, by a lawful donation, to make him heir to the crown which he had gained through his help. And so, with the consent of his magnates, he sent to William (by Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, acting as mediator of this delegation) hostages of noble birth, a son and a grandson of Earl Godwine.

(1.41) About the same time Edward, king oft he English, protected the position of William whom he loved as a brother or son and had already appointed his heir with a stronger pledge than before. He wished to prepare in advance for the inevitable hour of death, which, as a man who strove for heaven through his holy life, he believed to be near at hand. To confirm the pledge with an oath, he sent Harold, the most distinguished of his subjects in wealth, honour and power, whose brother and nephew had been received as hostages for William’s succession.

(1.46) On his return home William, after keeping his valued guest Harold with him for a while longer, sent him away loaded with gifts worthy of both of them and of the man at whose command and to increase whose honour he had come. Furthermore his nephew, the second hostage, was, out of respect for his person, released to return with Harold.

(2.12) He gave me the son and grandson of Godwine as hostages.
Quellenart
Gesta
 
#2
Quellenangabe
Simeon von Durham: Historia Regum, Thomas Arnold (Ed.), Symeonis Monachi Opera omnia II. Historia Regum (Rerum Britanicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores), London 1965, S. 167.
Quellentext
At quia de tota Anglia quique meliores in sua et illorum parte erant coadunati, comiti Leofrico et quibusdam aliis magnum videbatur insilium, ut ipsi cum suis compatriotis bellum inirent, sed, obsidibus ad invicem datis, rex et Godwinus die constituto ad placitandum Londoniae convenirent.
Quellenart
Chronik
 
#3
Quellenangabe
Ordericus Vitalis: Historia Aecclesiastica III, Marjorie Chibnall (Übers.), The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis II (Oxford Medieval Texts), Oxford 1969.
Quellentext
(Band II, S. 178) Sic Githa Goduini comitis relicta, quondam grauibus infortuniis uehementer est afflicta. Nam septem filios uiro suo peperit, Suenum, Tosticum, Heraldum, Guorth, Elfgarum, Leofuinum et Wlnoldum. Omnes hi comites fuerunt, magnoque corporis decore et sæculari probitate uiguerunt: sed diuersos et atroces euentus separatimexperti sunt. Elfgarus et Wlnodus Deum diligentes pie legitimique uixerunt: et in uera confessione prior Remis peregrinus et monachus et alter Salesberiæ uenerabiliter obierunt.
Übersetzungen
(Band II, S. 179) So Gytha, Earl Godwin’s widow, who had once enjoyed power and riches, now encountered bitter grief and was sorely afflicted by heavy misfortunes. For she had borne seven sonst o her husband: Swein, Tostig, Harold, Gyrth, Ælfgar, Leofwine, and Wulfnoth. All became earls and were handsome to behold and endowed with every manly virtue: but in their turn they suffered diverse and terrible fates. Ælfgar and Wulfnoth loved God, kept his law all their lives, and died honourably in the true faith, the one an alien and monk at Rheims, the other at Salisbury.
Quellenart
Chronik
 
#4
Quellenangabe
Wilhelm von Poitiers: Gesta Guillelmi, Ralph H. C. Davies, Marjorie Chibnall (Übers.), The Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers (Oxford Medieval Texts), Oxford 1998
Quellentext
(1.14) Edwardus autem, dum grato reputaret affectu quam suptuosam liberalitatem, quam singularem honorem, quam familiarem dilectionem in Normannia sibi impenderit princeps Guillelmus, tam beneficiis quam linea consanguinitis longe sibi coniunctior; quinetiam quam studioso eius auxilio in regnum ab exilio sit restitutus, potissimum aliquid atque gratissimum recompensare desiderans more honestorum; coronae quam per eum adeptus est, eum rata donatione haeredem statuere decrevit. Optimatum igitur suorum assensu per Robertum Cantuariensem archipraesulem hujus delegationis mediatorem obsides potentissimae parentelae Goduini comitis filium ac nepotem ei direxit.

(1.41) Per idem fere tempus Edwardus rex Anglorum suo iam statuto haeredi Guillelmo, quem loco germani aut prolis adamabat, grauiore quam fuerit cautum pignore cauit. Placuit obitus necessitatem praeuenire, cuius horam homo sancta uita ad caelestia tendens, proximam affore meditabatur. Fidem sacramento confirmaturum Heraldum ei destinavit, cunctorum sub dominatione sua diversis, honore atque potentia eminentissimum, cujus antea frater et fratruelis obsides fuerant accepti de successione eadem.
(1.46) Receptus in sua, percarum hospitem Heraldum apud se post moratum aliquandiu, donis onustum omisit; digne utroque et cuius iussu et pro cuius honore ampliando uenerat. Qui etiam fratuelis eius alter obses cum ipso redux propter ipsum redditus est.

(2.12) Obsides mihi dedit Godwini filium ac nepotem

Übersetzungen
(1.14) But Edward, when he reckoned with a real gratitude what sumptuous liberality, what singular honour, what intimate affection he had been shown in Normandy by prince William, to whom he was bound as much by these benefits as by a long line of consanguinity, and in addition what vigorous hope he had received in hs return from exile to his kingdom, wished to recognize him in a way benefiting his power and gratitude, as do all good men. So he determined, by a lawful donation, to make him heir to the crown which he had gained through his help. And so, with the consent of his magnates, he sent to William (by Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, acting as mediator of this delegation) hostages of noble birth, a son and a grandson of Earl Godwine.

(1.41) About the same time Edward, king oft he English, protected the position of William whom he loved as a brother or son and had already appointed his heir with a stronger pledge than before. He wished to prepare in advance for the inevitable hour of death, which, as a man who strove for heaven through his holy life, he believed to be near at hand. To confirm the pledge with an oath, he sent Harold, the most distinguished of his subjects in wealth, honour and power, whose brother and nephew had been received as hostages for William’s succession.

(1.46) On his return home William, after keeping his valued guest Harold with him for a while longer, sent him away loaded with gifts worthy of both of them and of the man at whose command and to increase whose honour he had come. Furthermore his nephew, the second hostage, was, out of respect for his person, released to return with Harold.

(2.12) He gave me the son and grandson of Godwine as hostages
Quellenart
Chronik
 
#5
Quellenangabe
Irvine, Susan (Ed.): The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. A collaborative Edition 7, MS. E, Cambridge 2004, S. 81-82
Quellentext
(1051) ?a geræddon þa witan on ægðer halfe þet man ða ælces yfeles geswac, and geaf se cyng Godes grið and his fulne freondscipe on ægðre healfe. ?a gerædde se cyning and his witan þet man sceolde oðre syðan habban ealre gewitena gemot on Lundene to hærfestes emnihte, and het se cyning bannan uthere, ægðer ge be suðan Temese ge be norðan, eall þet æfre betst wæs. ?a cwæð man Swegen eorl utlah, and stefnode man Godwine eorle and Harolde eorle to þon gemote swa raðe swa hi hit gefaran mihton. Þa hi þider ut comon, þa stefnede heom man to gemote. Þa gyrnde he griðes and gisla þet he moste unswican into gemote cuman and ut of gemote. ?a gyrnde se cyng ealra þæra þegna þe þa eorlas ær hæfdon, and hi letan hi ealle him to handa. Þa sende se cyng eft to heom and bead heom þet hi comen mid .xii. mannum into þæs cynges ræde. Þa geornde se eorl eft griðes and gisla þet he moste hine betellan æt ælc þæra þinga þe him man on lede. Þa wyrnde him mann ðera gisla, and sceawede him mann .v. nihta grið ut of lande to farenne.
Übersetzungen
1051) Then the councillors gave advice that evil doing should cease on both sides, and the king gave the peace of God, and his complete friendship to both sides. Then the king and his councillors decided that there should be a meeting of all the councillors a second time at
London at the autumnal equinox, and the king ordered the force to be called out both south
of the Thames and in the north, all the best of them. Then Earl Swein was declared an outlaw and Earl Godwine and Earl Harold were ordered to come to the meeting as quickly as ever they could make the journey. When they got there they were summoned to the meeting. Then Godwine asked for safe-conduct and hostages, so that he could come to the meeting, and leave it, without being betrayed. Then the king asked for all those thegns that the earls had had, and they were all handed over to him. Then the king sent to them again and ordered them to come with twelve men into the king’s council. Then the earl again asked for a safe-conduct and hostages so that he might be allowed to exculpate himself of all the charges that were brought against him. But he was refused hostages and granted five days safe-conduct to leave the country.
(Whitelock, Dorothy (Übers.): The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, London 1961, S. 120.)
Quellenart
Chronik
 
#6
Quellenangabe
Johannes von Worcester: Chronicon, R. R. Darlington u.a. (Ed.), Jennifer Bray u.a. (Übers.), The Chronicle of John of Worcester II. The Annales 450 to 1066 (Oxford Medieval Texts), Oxford 1995.
Quellentext
1051 (S. 560)) Quibus abeuntibus, exercitus Glauuornam intrauit, ita inflammatus et concordi animo ad pugnam paratus ut statim, si rex permitteret, cum exercitu Goduuini pugnam inire uellet. At quia de tota Anglia quique meliores in sua et illorum parte erant coadunati, comiti Leofrico et quibusdam aliis magnum uidebatur insilium, ut ipsi cum suis compatriotis bellum inirent, sed obsidibus ad inuicem datis, rex et Goduuinus die constituto ad placitandum Lundoniam conuenirent. Probato consilio et nuntiis intercurrentibus, obsidibus datis et acceptis, dux in Westsaxoniam rediit.
Übersetzungen
(1051 (S. 561)) As they were leaving, the army entered Gloucester, so inflamed and prepared to a man for battle that, if the king permitted, they were willing to engage Godwine’s army in battle immediatly. But, as, from all England, all men off standing were on one side or on the other, it appeared to Earl Leofric and to certain others a great folly that they should embark on a war with their compatriots. So, when hostages had been given by both parties, the king and Godwine agreed to meet at London on an appointed day to plead their cases. The plan was approved, and, with messengers toing and froing, and hostages given and received, the earl returned to Wessex.
Quellenart
Chronik
 
#7
Quellenangabe
Dumville, David (Ed.): The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. A collaborative Edition 6, MS. D, Cambridge 1996, S. 70-71
Quellentext
(1051) Þa leton hy sume þæt þæt mycel unræd wære þæt hy togedere comon, for þam þær wæs mæst þæt rotoste þæt wæs on Ænglalande on þam twam gefylcum, and leton þæt \hi/ urum feondum rymdon to lande, and betwyx us sylfum to mycclum forwyrde. Geræddon þa þæt man sealde gislas betweonan, and setton stefna ut to Lundene and man bead þa folce þider ut ofer ealne þisne norðende, on Siwardes eorldome, and on Leofrices, and eac elles gehwær, and sceolde Godwine eorl and his suna þær cuman to wiðermale. Þa comon hy to Suðgeweorce, and micel mænegeo mid heom of Westsæxum, ac his wered wanode æfre þe leng þe swiðor. And man borhfæste þam kyninge ealle þa þægnas þe wæron Haroldes eorles his suna, and man utlagode þa Swægn eorl his oðerne sunu. Þa ne onhagode him to cumenne to wiðermale ongean þone cyng and agean þone here þe him mid wæs; for þa on niht awæg.
Übersetzungen
1051) Then some of them thought it would be a great piece of folly if they joined battle, for in the two hosts there was most of what was noblest in England, and they considered that they would be opening a way for our enemies to enter the country and to cause great ruin among ourselves. They advised the exchange of hostages, and they issued summonses for a meeting at London; the folk throughout all this northern province, in Siward’s earldom and Leofric’s and elsewhere, were ordered to go there. And Earl Godwine and his sons were to come there to defend themselves. Then they came to Southwark, and a great number with them from Wessex, but his force dwindled more and more as time passed. And all the thegns of Harold his son were transferred to the king’s allegiance, and Earl Swein his other son was outlawed. Then it did not suit him to come to defend himself against the king and against the force that was with the king.
(Whitelock, Dorothy (Übers.): The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, London 1961, S. 118-119.)
Quellenart
Chronik
 
#8
Quellenangabe
Wilhelm von Jumièges: Gesta Normannorum Ducum, Elisabeth van Houts (Übers.), The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis, and Robert of Torigni II (Oxford Medieval Texts), Oxford 1995.
Quellentext
(vii,31) Quem aliquandiu secum demorari fecit et in expeditione contra Britones adduxit. Deinde dux postquam Heraldus fidelitatem sibi de regno pluribus sacramentis firmauit, Adelizam filiam suam cum medietate Anglici regni se daturum eidem spopondit. Postremo ipsum cum multis muneribus regi remisit et pulchrum adolescentem Vulnotum fratrem ejus obsidem retinuit.
Übersetzungen
(vii,31) He made Harold stay with him for some time and took him on an expidition against the Bretons. Then after Harold had sworn fealty to him about the kingdom with many oaths he promised him that he would give him his daughter Adeliza with half the kingdom of England. Later he sent him back to the king with many gifts but kept as hostage his handsome brother Wulfnoth.
Quellenart
Chronik
 
#9
Quellenangabe
Eadmer von Canterbury: Historia Novorum in Anglia, Martin Rule (Ed.), Eadmeri. Historia Novorum in Anglia, et opuscula duo De Vita Sancti Anselmi et quibusdam Miraculis eius (Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores 81), Reprint, New York 1965, S. 5-6.
Quellentext
At rex Godwini versutias suspectui habens restitit, nec paci acquiescere voluit, nisi primo quibus sibi securitas pararetur obsides haberet. Vulnothus itaque filius Godwini, et Hacun filius Suani filii sui, obsides dantur, ac in Northmanma Villhelmo comiti, filio scilicet Roberti filii Richardi fratris matris suae, custodiendi destinantur...Is, elapso modico tempore, licentiam petivit a rege Northmanniam ire et fratrem suum atque nepotem qui obsides tenebantur liberare, liberatos reducere.
Übersetzungen
But the King, suspicious of Godwin’s wiles, stood out against it and would not consent to peace unless he were first given hostages. So Wulfnoth, a son of Godwin, and Hakon, a son of his son Swain, were were given as hostages and were despatched to Normandy to the guardianship of Duke William, a son of Robert, son of Richard, brother of the King’s mother… He soon afterwards asked leave of the King to go to Normandy to set free his brother and his nephew who were being held there as hostages and, when so freed, to bring them back home.
(Bosanquet, Geoffrey (Übers.); Richard W. Southern: Eadmer’s History of Recent Events in England, London 1964, S. 6.)
Quellenart
Chronik
 
#10
Quellenangabe
Wilhelm von Malmesbury: Gesta Regum Anglorum, Roger A. B. Mynors u.a. (Übers.), William of Malmesbury. Gesta Regum Anglorum. The History of the English Kings I (Oxford Medieval Texts), Oxford 1998.
Quellentext
(ii,199,6-7) Ita quantulacumque concordia interim inita, iterum preceptum ut Lundoniam concilium congregaretur; mandatum Suano filio Goduini ut fuga sua regis iram mitigaret; Goduinus et Haroldus quamtotius ad concilium hac conuentione uenirent, inermes duodecim solum homines adducerent, seruitium militum quos per Angliam habebant regi contraderent. Contra illi negare: non posse se ad conuenticulum factiosorum sine uadibus et obsidibus pergere; domino suo in militium deditione parituros, tum preterea in omnibus preter gloriae et salutis periculum; si ueniant inermes, uitae timere dispendium; si paucos stipatores habeant, gloriae fore obrobrium. Obstinatius offirmarat rex animum ne adquiesceret precibus suplicantium; itaque prolatum edictum ut intra quinque dies Anglia excederent.

(ii,200,1) Wlnodus a rege Eduardo Normanniam missus, quod eum pater obsidem dederat, ibi toto tempore Eduardi inextricabili captione irretitus, regnante Willelmo in Angliam remissus, in uinculis Salesberiae consenuit.

(iii,240,1-2) Afferebat ille tria, ut uel regno secundum conditiones descenderet, uel sub eo regnaturus teneret, uel certe spectante utroque exercitu gladio rem uentilarent. Calumniabatur enim Willelmus regnum, quod rex illi Eduardus concesserat consilio Stigandi archiepiscopi et Goduini Normanniam miserat.
Übersetzungen
(ii,199,6-7) So, some small degree of agreement having meanwhile appeared, it was ordered that the council should reconvene, this time in London; Godwine’s son Swein was told to appease the king’s anger by leaving the country; Godwine and Harold were to come to the council promptly, with stipulations that they should be unarmed and bring only twelve men with them; the soldiers in their service, whom they held all over England, were to be handed over to the king. In reply, they refused; it was not possible, they said, fort hem to attend a meeting of hostile parties without sureties and hostages; in the matter of surrendering their troops, they would obey thier lord, and in all else besides where there was no peril to reputation and to life. If they were to come unarmed, they feared for their lives, and if they brought few men in their train, this would be a stain on their honour. The king had even more firmly made up his mind not to yield to any suppliant’s prayers, and so the decision was handed down that they must leave England within five days.

(ii,200,1) Wulfnoth, sent by King Edward into Normandy because his father had handed him over as a hostage, remained there held in close custody, all Edward’s time; under William’s rule he was sent back to England and grew old in chains at Salisbury.

(iii,240,1-2) The man brought three proposals: that Harold should abdicate on conditions, or that he should continue to reign under William as suzerain, o rat least that they should air the question in single combat while the two armies looked on. For William laid claim to the kingdom on the ground that King Edward had conveyed it to him on the advice of Archbishop Stigand and Earls Godwine and Siward, and had sent Godwine’s son and grandson over to Normandy as security fort he gift.
Quellenart
Gesta
Literatur (Auswahl)
Barlow, Frank: Edward the Confessors early Life, Character and Attitudes, in: EHR 80 (1965), S. 240-244.
Barlow, Frank: Edward the Confessor, Berkeley, Los Angeles 1984, S. 109-125, 301-306.
Bates, David: William the Conqueror, London, New Haven 2006, S. 191-200.
Campbell, Miles W.: A Pre-Conquest Norman Occupation of England?, in: Speculum 46, 1 (1971), S. 22-28.
Cutler, K. E.: The Godwinist Hostages: The Case for 1051, in: Annuale Mediaevale 12 (1972), S. 10-77.
Mason, Emma: The House of Godwine. The History of a Dynasty, London, New York 2004, S. 64-65, 76-78.
Peltzer, Jörg: 1066. Der Kampf um Englands Krone, München 2016, S. 72-80.
Walker, Ian W.: Harold. The last Anglo-Saxon King, Stroud 1997, S. 27-36.
Akteur
 
#1
Name, Titel/Rang
Eduard der Bekenner (1004-1066), König von England
Rolle
Vertragspartner
Dynastie
Haus Wessex
 
#2
Name, Titel/Rang
Godwin Wulfnothson von Wessex
Rolle
Vertragspartner
Zugehörigkeit
Wessex
Religiöse Konstellation
innerchristlich
Art der Übereinkunft
Garantie/Bürgschaft
Ort der Geiselstellung
Gloucester (?)
Weitere Sicherheitsinstrumente
Befristung
(Keine Auswahl)
Anzahl der Geiseln
2
Personenangaben zu den Geiseln
 
#1
Name, Titel
Hakon Wulfnoth Godwinson
Zugehörigkeit
Sohn des Grafen Godwin Wulfnothson von Wessex
Geschlecht
männlich
Stand
Hochadel
 
#2
Name, Titel
Hakon
Zugehörigkeit
Enkel des Grafen Godwin von Wessex
Geschlecht
männlich
Stand
Hochadel
Antritt der Vergeiselung
ja
Aufenthaltsort der Geiseln
Rouen, Salisbury
Schicksal der Geiseln
Terminus
Semantisches Feld 'Sicherheit'
grið, uadibus
Terminus 'Übereinkunft'
concordia