Geiselstellungen von der Antike bis zur Neuzeit

639 Dokumente in 'Geiselstellungen von der Antike bis zur Neuzeit'
Name
 
-0149 Geiselstellung an Rom durch die Karthager
Name
-0149 Geiselstellung an Rom durch die Karthager
Vorausgegangener Konflikt
3. Punischer Krieg
Datum/Zeitangabe
-149
Inhalt/Kommentar
Für Rom war die Geiselstellung mit der Unterwerfung (deditio) Karthagos identisch und langfristig angelegt, wie die unmittelbare Verbringung nach Rom zeigt. Aus karthagischer Sicht mag eine andere Erwartungshaltung bestanden haben, da man Appian zufolge offenbar mit Bedingungen rechnete, nach deren Erfüllung die Geiseln zurückgegeben werden würden. Wieder erweist sich Geiselstellung trotz der großen Zahl und den dramatischen Szenen, die sich bei der Entfernung der Geiseln abgespielt haben sollen, als unzureichende Garantie. Karthago setzt sich gegen die Umsiedlung zur Wehr, ohne Rücksicht auf die Geiseln.
Quellenangabe
 
#1
Quellenangabe
Liv. Per. 49.
Quellentext
[…] Legati triginta Romam venerunt, per quos se Carthaginienses dedebant. Catonis sententia evicit, ut in decreto perstaretur et ut consules quam primum ad bellum proficiscerentur. Qui ubi in Africam transierunt, acceptis, quosimperaverant, trecentis obsidibus et armis omnibus instrumentisque belli, si qua Carthagine erant, cum ex auctoritatepatrum iuberent, ut in alium locum a mari decem milia passuum ne minus remotum oppidum facerent, indignitate rei ad bellandum Carthaginienses compulerunt. […]
Übersetzungen
es kamen dreißig Gesandte nach Rom, durch die sich die Karthager ergeben wollten. Die Meinung Catos trug den Sieg davon: es solle bei dem Beschluss bleiben und die Konsuln sollten möglichst bald zum Krieg aufbrechen. Sobald sie nach Afrika übersetzten, erhielten sie die 300 Geiseln, die sei verlangt hatten, und alle Waffen und alles Kriegsgerät, wenn es in Karthago welches gab; als sie ihnen dann aber aufgrund eines Senatsbeschlusses befahlen, ihre Stadt an eine andere Stelle, mindestens 10 Meilen vom Meer entfernt, zu verlegen, trieben die Karthager durch das Empörende der Zumutung zum Krieg.
 
#2
Quellenangabe
Diod. 32.6.1-2.
Quellentext
6. Ὅτι τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατευσάντων πρὸς Καρχηδονίους, οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι πυθόμενοι τὸν εἰς τὸ Λιλύβαιον κατάπλουν καὶ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον οὐδαμῶς καταβαίνοντες πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμψαν εἰς Ῥώμην, οἳ ἐνεχείρισαν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἑαυτούς τε καὶ τῆς πατρίδος τὰ πράγματα. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος δεξαμένη τὴν παράδοσιν τῆς χώρας ἔδωκεν ἀπόκρισιν, ἐπεὶ καλῶς βουλεύονται Καρχηδόνιοι, δίδωσιν αὐτοῖς ἡ σύγκλητος νόμους, χώραν, ἱερά, τάφους, ἐλευθερίαν, ὕπαρξιν, οὐδαμοῦ προστιθεῖσα πόλιν τὴν Καρχηδόνα, παρακρύπτουσα δὲ τὴν ταύτης ἀναίρεσιν. τεύξεσθαι δὲ τούτων τῶν φιλανθρωπιῶν, ἐὰν ὁμήρους δῶσι τριακοσίους υἱοὺς τῶν συγκλητικῶν καὶ πείθωνται τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων παραγγελλομένοις. 2οἱ δὲ νομίσαντες ἀπολελύσθαι τοῦ πολέμου τοὺς ὁμήρους ἐξέπεμψαν μετὰ πολλῆς οἰμωγῆς. εἶτα ἦλθον εἰς Ἰτύκην. οἱ δὲ πάλιν πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμψαν τοὺς πευσομένους εἴ τι ἕτερον αὐτοῖς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ποιεῖν κελεύουσι. τῶν δὲ ὑπάτων εἰπόντων παραδοῦναι τὰ ὅπλα ἀδόλως καὶ τοὺς καταπέλτας, οἱ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διὰ τὸν πρὸς Ἀσδρούβαν πόλεμον βαρέως ἔφερον· παρέλαβον δὲ ὅπλων παντοδαπῶν εἴκοσι μυριάδας καὶ καταπέλτας δισχιλίους. εἶτα πάλιν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διεπέμψαντο πρὸς Καρχηδονίους ἀποστεῖλαί τινας ἐκ τῆς γερουσίας κελεύοντες, οἷς1 τὸ καταλειπόμενον πρόσταγμα διασαφήσουσιν.
Übersetzungen
6. When the Romans sent out an expeditionary force against the Carthaginians and news reached Carthage that the fleet was already at Lilybaeum, the Carthaginians, abstaining from all acts of hostility, sent legates to Rome, who placed themselves and their country at the disposal of the Romans. The senate, accepting their surrender, made answer that inasmuch as the Carthaginians were well advised, the senate granted them their laws, territory, sanctuaries, tombs, freedom, and property (the city of Carthage, however, was nowhere mentioned, their intention to destroy it being suppressed): these mercies the Carthaginians were to obtain provided they gave three hundred hostages, senators’ sons, and obeyed the orders of the consuls. The Carthaginians, thinking that they were quit of the war, sent the hostages, not without great lamentation. Then the Romans arrived in Utica. Carthage again sent envoys to learn if the Romans had further demands to make upon them. When the consuls told them to surrender, without fraud, their arms and artillery, they were at first cast down, inasmuch as they were at war with Hasdrubal; none the less (the Romans) received from them two hundred thousand weapons of all sorts and two thousand catapults. Thereupon the Romans again sent word to the Carthaginians, bidding them appoint a delegation of Elders, to whom they would make known their final directive.
 
#3
Quellenangabe
App. Lib. (Pun.) 76-83; 92.
Quellentext
[76] Καρχηδονίοις δὲ προσέπεσεν ἥ τε κρίσις τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τὸ ἔργον ὁμοῦ δι᾽ ἑνὸς ἀγγέλου: ὁ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἔφερέ τε τὸ ψήφισμα τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐδήλου πλεῖν ἐπὶ σφᾶς. ἐκπλαγέντες οὖν ἀπεγίγνωσκον αὑτῶν ἀπορίᾳ τε νεῶν καὶ ἀπωλείᾳ προσφάτῳ τοσῆσδε νεότητος, οὐ συμμάχους ἔχοντες, οὐ μισθοφόρους ἑτοίμους, οὐ σῖτον ἐς πολιορκίαν συνενηνεγμένον, οὐκ ἄλλο οὐδέν, ὡς ἐν ἀκηρύκτῳ καὶ ταχεῖ πολέμῳ, οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὶ διαρκεῖν δυνάμενοι Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Μασσανάσσῃ. πρέσβεις οὖν ἑτέρους ἐς Ῥώμην ἔπεμπον αὐτοκράτορας, ὅπῃ δύναιντο, τὰ παρόντα διαθέσθαι. οἷς ἡ σύγκλητος εἶπεν, ἐὰν τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἔτι οὖσιν ἐν Σικελίᾳ, τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν τῶνδε, οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι τριακοσίους τοὺς ἐνδοξοτάτους σφῶν παῖδας ἐς ὁμηρείαν παράσχωσι καὶ τἄλλα κατακούσωσιν αὐτῶν, ἕξειν Καρχηδόνα ἐλευθέραν τε καὶ αὐτόνομον, καὶ γῆν ὅσην ἔχουσιν ἐν Λιβύῃ. ταῦτα μὲν ἐς τὸ φανερὸν ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἔδωκαν ἐς Καρχηδόνα φέρειν τὸ δόγμα: ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ δὲ τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἐπέστειλαν ἔχεσθαι τῶν ἰδίᾳ σφίσιν ἐντεταλμένων.

[77] οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι τὴν μὲν γνώμην ὑπώπτευον, οὐκ ἐπὶ συνθήκῃ βεβαίᾳ τὰ ὅμηρα παρέχοντες: οἷα δ᾽ ἐν κινδύνῳ τοσῷδε, τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐν ᾧ μηδὲν ἐκλείψουσι τιθέμενοι, σπουδῇ προλαβόντες τὴν προθεσμίαν, τοὺς παῖδας ἦγον ἐς Σικελίαν, γονέων τε αὐτοῖς ἐπικλαιόντων καὶ οἰκείων, καὶ μάλιστα τῶν μητέρων, αἳ σὺν ὀλολυγῇ μανιώδει τῶν τέκνων ἐξήπτοντο καὶ νεῶν τῶν φερουσῶν αὐτὰ καὶ στρατηγῶν τῶν ἀγόντων, ἀγκυρῶν τε ἐπελαμβάνοντο καὶ καλῴδια διέσπων καὶ ναύταις συνεπλέκοντο καὶ τὸν πλοῦν ἐκώλυον. εἰσὶ δ᾽ αἳ καὶ μέχρι πολλοῦ τῆς θαλάσσης παρένεον, δεδακρυμέναι τε καὶ ἐς τὰ τέκνα ἀφορῶσαι. αἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς τὰς κόμας ἐτίλλοντο καὶ τὰ στέρνα ἔκοπτον ὡς ἐπὶ πένθει: ἐδόκουν γὰρ ὄνομα μὲν ἐς εὐπρέπειαν εἶναι τὴν ὁμηρείαν, ἔργῳ δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἔκδοσιν, ἐπ᾽ οὐδεμιᾷ συνθήκῃ τῶνδε τῶν παίδων διδομένων. καὶ πολλαὶ καὶ τοῦτο ἐν ταῖς οἰμωγαῖς κατεμαντεύοντο τῇ πόλει, μηδὲν αὐτὴν ὀνήσειν τοὺς παῖδας ἐκδιδομένους: ἐν μὲν δὴ τῇ Καρχηδόνι τῶν ὁμήρων ἡ ἀναγωγὴ τοιάδε τις ἦν, ἐν δὲ τῇ Σικελίᾳ παραλαβόντες αὐτὰ οἱ ὕπατοι διέπεμπον ἐς Ῥώμην, καὶ τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ἔφασαν ἐς τὸ τέλος τοῦ πολέμου τὰ λοιπὰ ἐρεῖν ἐν Ἰτύκῃ.

[78] διαπλεύσαντές τε ἐς αὐτὴν ἐστρατοπέδευον, ὁ μὲν πεζὸς ἔνθα πάλαι τὸ Σκιπίωνος ἦν στρατόπεδον, αἱ δὲ νῆες ἐν τοῖς λιμέσι τοῖς Ἰτυκαίων. ἀφικομένων δὲ κἀκεῖ πρέσβεων ἐκ Καρχηδόνος, οἱ μὲν ὕπατοι προυκάθηντο ἐπὶ βήματος ὑψηλοῦ, ἡγεμόνων τε σφίσι καὶ χιλιάρχων παρεστώτων, ἡ στρατιὰ δ᾽ ἑκατέρωθεν ἐπὶ μῆκος πολὺ ὅπλοις τε ἐπισήμοις ἐσκεύαστο, καὶ τὰ σημεῖα ἔφερον ὀρθά, ἵνα οἱ πρέσβεις τὸ πλῆθος ἐκ τούτων συμβάλοιεν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οἱ μὲν ὕπατοι τῷ σαλπικτῇ προσέταξαν ὑποσημῆναι σιωπήν, ὁ δὲ κήρυξ ἀνεῖπε τοὺς Καρχηδονίων πρέσβεις προσιέναι, οἱ μὲν ἐσήγοντο διὰ στρατοπέδου μακροῦ, καὶ τοῦ βήματος οὐ προσεπέλαζον, ἀλλὰ περισχοίνισμα ἦν ἐν μέσῳ, οἱ δ᾽ ὕπατοι λέγειν αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευον ὅ τι χρῄζοιεν. καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις ἔλεγον ἐλεεινὰ πολλὰ καὶ ποικίλα, συνθηκῶν τε πέρι τῶν σφίσι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους γενομένων, καὶ Καρχηδόνος αὐτῆς χρόνου καὶ πλήθους καὶ δυνάμεως καὶ ἀρχῆς τῆς ἐς πολὺ μεγίστης ἐν γῇ καὶ θαλάσσῃ γενομένης. οὐκ ἐπὶ σεμνολογίᾳ δὲ ἔφασαν λέγειν: οὐ γὰρ εἶναι καιρὸν ἐν συμφοραῖς σεμνολογίας,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐς σωφρόνισμα ὑμῖν, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ μετριοπάθειαν ἡ τῆς ἡμετέρας μεταβολῆς ὀξύτης ἔστω. κράτιστοι δέ, ὅσοι τοὺς πταίσαντας ἐλεοῦντες τὸ σφέτερον εὔελπι ποιοῦνται τῷ μηδὲν ἐς ἄλλας τύχας ἁμαρτεῖν. καὶ τάδε μὲν ὑμῶν ἄξια καὶ τῆς ὑμετέρας εὐσεβείας, ἣν προσποιεῖσθε μάλιστα ἀνθρώπων:

[79] εἰ δὲ καὶ ἀνημέρων ἐτετυχήκειμεν ἐχθρῶν, κόρος ἐστὶν ἀτυχημάτων ὅσα πεπόνθαμεν, οἳ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς τε γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης ἀφῃρήμεθα, καὶ τὰς ναῦς ὑμῖν παρεδώκαμεν, καὶ ἄλλας οὐκ ἐπικτώμεθα, καὶ θήρας καὶ κτήσεως ἐλεφάντων ἀπέστημεν, καὶ ὅμηρα τὰ κράτιστα καὶ πάλαι καὶ νῦν παρεδώκαμεν, καὶ φόρους τελοῦμεν εὐτάκτως οἱ παρ᾽ ἑτέρων ἀεὶ λαμβάνοντες. καὶ τάδε ἤρκεσε τοῖς πατράσιν ὑμῶν, οἷς ἐπολεμήσαμεν: καὶ συνθήκας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐγράψαντο ἡμῖν ὡς φίλοις τε καὶ συμμάχοις, καὶ ὅρκος ἔστιν ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ἀμφοῖν ὅμοιος. κἀκεῖνοι μὲν ἡμῖν, οἷς ἐπολεμήσαμεν, πιστοὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐγένοντο: ὑμεῖς δέ, οἷς οὐδ᾽ ἐς χεῖρας ἤλθομεν, τί τῶνδε τῶν συνθηκῶν αἰτιώμενοι παραβεβάσθαι, τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε ὀξέως οὕτως ἐψηφίσασθέ τε καὶ ἀκηρύκτως ἐπηγάγετε ἡμῖν; πότερον οὐ δίδομεν τοὺς φόρους; ἢ ναῦς ἔχομεν, ἢ τοὺς ἐπιφθόνους ἐλέφαντας; ἢ οὐ πιστοὶ τὰ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐξ ἐκείνου γεγόναμεν; ἢ οὐκ ἐλεεινοὶ τῶν πέντε μυριάδων τῶν χθὲς ἀπολομένων ὑπὸ λιμοῦ; ἀλλὰ Μασσανάσσῃ πεπολεμήκαμεν: πολλά γε πλεονεκτοῦντι: καὶ πάντα δι᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐφέρομεν. ἀπαύστως δ᾽ ἔχων καὶ ἀθεμίστως ἐς ἡμᾶς καὶ τὸ ἔδαφος ἐν ᾧ καὶ ἐτράφη καὶ ἐπαιδεύθη, γῆν ἄλλην ἡμῶν ἀπέσπα περὶ τὸ Ἐμπόριον: καὶ λαβὼν καὶ τήνδε ἐπέβαινεν ἑτέρας, μέχρι τὰς συνθήκας ἡμῖν τὰς πρὸς ὑμᾶς συνέχεεν: εἰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἡ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου πρόφασις, ἡμεῖς δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀμυναμένους αὐτὸν ἐξεκηρύξαμεν, καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς πρέσβεις ἐπέμψαμεν οἳ περὶ τούτων ἀπελογοῦντο, καὶ ἑτέρους αὐτοκράτορας ὅπῃ θέλετε συνθέσθαι. τί οὖν ἔδει νεῶν καὶ στόλου καὶ στρατοῦ πρὸς ἄνδρας οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντας μὲν ἁμαρτεῖν, ἑαυτοὺς δὲ ὑμῖν ἐπιτρέποντας; ὅτι δὲ οὐκ ἀπατῶντες ὑμᾶς, οὐδὲ μικρολογούμενοι παθεῖν ὅ τι ἂν ζημιῶτε, ταῦτα προυτείνομε ν, ἐπιδέδεικται σαφῶς. ὅτε τοὺς ἀρίστους παῖδας ἐς ὁμηρείαν αἰτοῦσιν ὑμῖν εὐθύς, ὡς τὸ δόγμα ἐκέλευε, τὰς τριάκοντα προλαβόντες ἡμέρας, ἀπεστείλαμεν. τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ δόγματός ἐστιν, ἢν παράσχωμεν ὑμῖν τὰ ὅμηρα, τὴν Καρχηδόνα ἐλευθέραν ἐᾶν καὶ αὐτόνομον, κεκτημένην ἃ ἔχομεν.

[80] οἱ μὲν δὴ πρέσβεις τοσαῦτα εἶπον, Κηνσωρῖνος δ᾽ ὑπαναστὰς ἀντέλεξεν ὧδε: ‘τὰς μὲν αἰτίας τοῦ πολέμου τί δεῖ λέγειν ὑμῖν, ὦ Καρχηδόνιοι, πρεσβεύσασιν ἐς Ῥώμην καὶ παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου μαθοῦσιν; ὃ δὲ ἐψεύσασθε περὶ ἡμῶν, τοῦθ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐλέγξω. καὶ γὰρ τὸ δόγμα δηλοῖ, καὶ ἡμεῖς ὑμῖν ἐν Σικελίᾳ προείπομεν τὰ ὅμηρα παραλαμβάνοντες, τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν δοξαντων ἐπικελεύσειν ἐν Ἰτύκῃ. τῶν μὲν οὖν ὁμήρων τῆς τε ταχυτῆτος καὶ τῆς ἐπιλέξεως ἐπαινοῦμεν ὑμᾶς: τί δὲ ὅπλων δεῖ τοῖς εἰρηνεύουσι καθαρῶς; φέρετε: πάντα ὅσα δημόσιά τε καὶ ἴδια ἕκαστος ὑμῶν ἔχει, βέλη τε καὶ καταπέλτας, ἡμῖν παράδοτε.’ ὁ μὲν οὕτως εἶπεν, οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ἔφασαν ἐθέλειν μὲν καὶ τοῖσδε ὑπακοῦσαι, ἀπορεῖν δὲ ὅπως Ἀσδρούβαν, ᾧ θάνατον ἐπεκήρυξαν, δύο μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν ἤδη συναγαγόντα καὶ αὐτῇ Καρχηδόνι παραστρατοπεδεύοντα ἀμυνοῦνται. εἰπόντων δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι τούτων ἐπιμελήσονται, οἱ μὲν καὶ ταῦτα δώσειν ὑπέσχοντο. καὶ συμπεμφθέντες αὐτοῖς Κορνήλιός τε Σκιπίων ὁ Νασικᾶς καὶ Γναῖος Κορνήλιος ὁ Ἱσπανὸς ἐπίκλησιν παρελάμβανον εἴκοσι μυριάδας πανοπλιῶν, καὶ βελῶν καὶ ἀκοντίων πλῆθος ἄπειρον, καὶ καταπέλτας ὀξυβελεῖς τε καὶ λιθοβόλους ἐς δισχιλίους: καὶ φερομένων αὐτῶν ἡ μὲν ὄψις ἦν λαμπρὰ καὶ παράλογος, ἀμαξῶν τοσῶνδε ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν πολεμίων ἀγομένων, οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις εἵποντο αὐτοῖς, καὶ ὅσοι τῆς γερουσίας ἢ τῆς ἄλλης πόλεως ἄριστοι ἢ ἱερεῖς ἢ ἄλλως ἐπιφανεῖς ἔμελλον τοὺς ὑπάτους ἐς ἐντροπὴν ἢ ἔλεον ἄξειν. ἐσαχθέντες δὲ αὐτῷ κόσμῳ τοῖς ὑπάτοις παρέστησαν. καὶ ὁ Κηνσωρῖνος ῾ἦν γὰρ εἰπεῖν ἱκανώτερος τοῦ συνάρχοὐ ἀναστὰς καὶ τότε, καὶ σκυθρωπάσας ἐπὶ πολύ, ἔλεξεν ὧδε.

[81] ‘τῆς μὲν εὐπειθείας ὑμᾶς, ὦ Καρχηδόνιοι, καὶ προθυμίας τῆς μέχρι νῦν ἔς τε τὰ ὅμηρα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἐπαινοῦμεν, χρὴ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις βραχυλογεῖν. ὑπόστητε γενναίως τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς συγκλήτου κέλευσμα: ἔκστητε τῆς Καρχηδόνος ἡμῖν, καὶ ἀνοικίσασθε ὅπῃ θέλετε τῆς ὑμετέρας, ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίους ἀπὸ θαλάσσης: τήνδε γὰρ ἡμῖν ἔγνωσται κατασκάψαι.’ οἱ δ᾽ ἔτι λέγοντος αὐτοῦ τὰς χεῖρας ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνέσχον μετὰ βοῆς, καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ὡς ἠπατημένοι κατεκάλουν, πολλά τε καὶ δυσχερῆ κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐβλασφήμουν, ἢ θανατῶντες ἢ ἔκφρονες ὄντες, ἢ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐς μύσος πρέσβεων διερεθίζοντες. ἔς τε τὴν γῆν σφᾶς ἐρρίπτουν, καὶ χερσὶ καὶ κεφαλαῖς αὐτὴν ἔτυπτον: οἱ δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἐπερρήγνυντο, καὶ τοῖς σώμασι τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ἐνύβριζον ὡς ὑπὸ ἀνοίας ἐνηδρευμένοι. ἐπεὶ δέ ποτε αὐτοῖς ὁ οἶστρος ἔληξε, σιωπὴ πολλὴ καὶ κατήφεια ἦν οἷα νεκρῶν κειμένων. Ῥωμαῖοι δ᾽ ἐξεπλήσσοντο, καὶ οἱ ὕπατοι φέρειν αὐτοὺς ἐγνώκεσαν ὡς ἐπὶ ἀλλοκότῳ κελεύσματι, μέχρι παύσαιντο ἀγανακτοῦντες, καλῶς εἰδότες ὅτι τὰ μέγιστα δεινὰ αὐτίκα μὲν ἐς θρασύτητα ἐκπλήσσει, σὺν χρόνῳ δὲ καταδουλοῖ τὴν τόλμαν ἡ ἀνάγκη. ὃ καὶ τότε ἔπαθον οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι: παρὰ γὰρ τὴν σιωπὴν ἁπτομένου σφῶν τοῦ κακοῦ μᾶλλον, ἀγανακτεῖν μὲν ἔτι ἐπαύσαντο, ἀνέκλαιον δὲ καὶ κατεθρήνουν ἑαυτούς τε καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας ἐξ ὀνομάτων, καὶ τὴν πατρίδα αὐτήν, ὡς ἐς ἄνθρωπον ἀκούουσαν λέγοντες οἰκτρὰ καὶ πολλά. οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς καὶ τὰ τῶν ἱερῶν ὀνόματα καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτοῖς θεοὺς ἀνεκάλουν, ὡς παροῦσι κἀκείνοις προφέροντες τὴν ἀπώλειαν. ἦν τε παμμιγὴς καὶ ἐλεεινὸς οἶκτος οἰμωζόντων ὁμοῦ τά τε κοινὰ καὶ τὰ ἴδια, μέχρι καὶ Ῥωμαίους αὐτοῖς ἐπιδακρῦσαι.

[82] τοὺς δὲ ὑπάτους ἐσῄει μὲν οἶκτος ἀνθρωπίνης μεταβολῆς, σκυθρωποὶ δ᾽ ἀνέμενον καὶ τούτων κόρον αὐτοῖς ἐγγενέσθαι. ὡς δὲ καὶ ὀδυρμῶν ἔληξαν, αὖθις ἦν σιωπή. καὶ λόγον αὑτοῖς διδόντες ὡς ἡ μὲν πόλις ἐστὶν ἄνοπλος ἔρημος, οὐ ναῦν, οὐ καταπέλτην, οὐ βέλος, οὐ ξίφος ἔχουσα, οὐκ ἄνδρας οἰκείους ἱκανοὺς ἀπομάχεσθαι πέντε μυριάδων ἔναγχος διεφθαρμένων, ξενικὸν δὲ οὐδὲν ἔστιν ἢ φίλος ἢ σύμμαχος ἢ καιρὸς ἐς ταῦτα, ἔχουσι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὴν χώραν, καὶ περικάθηνται τὸ ἄστυ ἔνοπλοι ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ καὶ μηχανήμασι καὶ ἵπποις, Μασσανάσσης δ᾽ ἐχθρὸς ἕτερος ἐν πλευραῖς, θορύβου μὲν ἔτι καὶ ἀγανακτήσεως ἐπέσχον ὡς οὐδὲν ἐν ταῖς συμφοραῖς ὠφελούντων, ἐς δὲ λόγους αὖθις ἐτράποντο. καὶ Βάννων, ᾧ Τιγίλλας ἐπώνυμον ἦν, ἐπιφανέστατος ὢν ἐν τοῖς τότε παροῦσιν, αἰτήσας εἰπεῖν ἔλεξεν:

[83]εἰ μὲν ἔστι καὶ τῶν πρότερον εἰρημένων ἔτι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, λόγος, ἐροῦμεν, οὐχ ὡς δίκαια προφέροντες ῾οὐ γάρ ἐστιν ἐν καιρῷ τοῖς ἀτυχοῦσιν ἀντιλογίἀ, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μάθητε ὡς οὐκ ἀπροφάσιστός ἐστιν ὑμῖν ὁ ἔλεος ὁ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν, οὐδὲ ἄλογος. ἡμεῖς γὰρ Λιβύης ἄρχοντες καὶ θαλάσσης ὅτι πλείστης, περὶ ἡγεμονίας ὑμῖν ἐπολεμήσαμεν: καὶ ταύτης ἀπέστημεν ἐπὶ Σκιπίωνος, ὅτε τὰς ναῦς ὑμῖν παρέδομεν καὶ ἐλέφαντας ὅσους εἴχομεν, καὶ φόρους ἐταξάμεθα δώσειν καὶ δίδομεν ἐν καιρῷ. πρὸς οὖν θεῶν τῶν τότε ὀμωμοσμένων, φείδεσθε μὲν ἡμῶν, φείδεσθε δὲ τῶν Σκιπίωνος ὅρκων, ὀμόσαντος ἔσεσθαι Ῥωμαίους Καρχηδονίοις συμμάχους καὶ φίλους. οὐδ᾽ ἔστιν ἐς ταυθ᾽ ὅ τι ἡμάρτομεν. οὐ ναῦς ἔχομεν, οὐκ ἐλέφαντας, οὐ τοὺς φόρους ἐκλείπομεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνεμαχήσαμεν ὑμῖν ἐπὶ τρεῖς βασιλέας. μηδέ τῳ παραστῇ καταγιγνώσκειν, εἰ ταῦτα καὶ πρῴην εἴπομεν, ὅτε τὰ ὅπλα ᾐτεῖτε: αἵ τε γὰρ συμφοραὶ ποιοῦσι μακρολόγους, καὶ ἅμα συνθηκῶν οὐδὲν ἐν ταῖς ἱκεσίαις δυνατώτερον, οὐδ᾽ ἔχομεν ἐν οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἀντὶ λόγων καταφυγεῖν, οἳ τὴν δύναμιν ὑμῖν ἅπασαν ἐξέδομεν. τὰ μὲν δὴ πρότερα τοιαῦτα, ὧν ὁ Σκιπίων ἐστὶν ἡμῖν, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, βεβαιωτής: τῶν δὲ παρόντων ὑμεῖς, ὦ ὕπατοι, δημιουργοὶ καὶ μάρτυρές ἐστε ἡμῖν. ὅμηρα ᾐτήσατε, καὶ τὰ κράτιστα ἠγάγομεν ὑμῖν. ὅπλα ᾐτήσατε, καὶ πάντα ἐλάβετε, ὧν οὐδὲ οἱ ληφθέντες ἐν ταῖς πολιορκίαις ἑκόντες μεθίενται. ἐπιστεύσαμεν δὲ ἡμεῖς τῷ Ῥωμαίων ἤθει καὶ τρόπῳ: καὶ γὰρ ἡ σύγκλητος ἡμῖν ἐπέστειλε, καὶ ὑμεῖς, τὰ ὅμηρα αἰτοῦντες, ἔφατε τὴν Καρχηδόνα αὐτόνομον ἐάσειν, εἰ λάβοιτε. εἰ δὲ προσέκειτο καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ὑμῶν ἀνέξεσθαι κελευόντων, οὐκ εἰκὸς ἦν ὑμᾶς ἐπὶ μὲν τοῖς ὁμήροις, αἰτήματι σοφεῖ, τὴν πόλιν αὐτόνομον ἔσεσθα ι προαγορεῦσαι, ἐν δὲ προσθήκῃ τῶν ὁμήρων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν Καρχηδόνος αὐτῆς κατασκαφήν, ἣν εἰ θέμις ὑμῖν ἐστὶν ἀνελεῖν, πῶς ἐλευθέραν ἔτι ἀφήσετε ἢ αὐτόνομον, ὡς ἐλέγετε;

[92] καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἦν οἶστρος ἄλογός τε καὶ μανιώδης, οἷον ἐν τοῖς βακχείοις πάθεσί φασι τὰς μαινάδας ἀλλόκοτα καινουργεῖν. οἱ μὲν τῶν βουλευτῶν τοὺς περὶ τῶν ὁμήρων ἐσηγησαμένους ὡς ἐξάρχους τῆς ἐνέδρας ᾐκίζοντο καὶ διέσπων, οἱ δὲ τοὺς συμβουλεύσαντας περὶ τῶν ὅπλων. οἱ δὲ τοὺς πρέσβεις κατέλευον ὡς κακῶν ἀγγέλους, οἱ δὲ καὶ περιέσυρον ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν. ἕτεροι δὲ τοὺς Ἰταλούς, οἳ ἔτι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὡς ἐν αἰφνιδίῳ καὶ ἀκηρύκτῳ κακῷ ἦσαν, ἐλυμαίνοντο ποικίλως, ἐπιλέγοντες ὁμήρων πέρι καὶ ὅπλων καὶ ἀπάτης ἀμύνεσθαι. οἰμωγῆς τε ἅμα παὶ ὀργῆς καὶ δέους καὶ ἀπειλῆς ἡ πόλις ἐνεπέπληστο, καὶ ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἀνεκάλουν τὰ φίλτατα, καὶ ἐς τὰ ἱερὰ ὡς ἄσυλα κατέφευγον, καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ὠνείδιζον ὡς οὐδὲ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπικουρῆσαι δυναμένους. ἕτεροι δὲ ἐς τὰς ὁπλοθήκας ἰόντες ἔκλαιον, ὁρῶντες κενάς: οἱ δ᾽ ἐς τὰ νεώρια καταθέοντες ὠδύροντο τὰς ναῦς ὡς ἀπίστοις ἀνδράσιν ἐκδεδομένας. καὶ τὰ ὀνόματά τινες τῶν ἐλεφάντων ἀνεκάλουν ὡς ἔτι παρόντων, τούς τε προγόνους καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐλοιδόρουν, ὡς δέον μήτε ναῦς μήτε ἐλέφαντας μήτε φόρους μήτε τὰ ὅπλα παραδόντας ἀποθανεῖν σὺν τῇ πατρίδι ὡπλισμένῃ. μάλιστα δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐς ὀργὴν ἀνέκαιον αἱ μητέρες αἱ τῶν ὁμήρων, οἷά τινες ἐκ τραγῳδίας ἐρινύες ἐντυγχάνουσαι μετ᾽ ὀλολυγῆς ἑκάστῳ, καὶ τὴν ἔκδοσιν τῶν παίδων προφέρουσαι καὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀπόρρησιν: ἐπεγέλων τε αὐτοῖς ὡς θεῶν ἀμυνομένων αὐτοὺς ἀντὶ τῶν παίδων. ὀλίγον δ᾽ ὅσον ἐσωφρόνει, τὰς πύλας ἀπέκλειε, καὶ τὸ τεῖχος λίθων ἀντὶ καταπελτῶν ἐπλήρουν.
Übersetzungen
[76] The declaration of war and the war itself reached the Carthaginians by the same messenger. He brought the vote of the Senate, and told them that the fleet had already sailed. They were astounded, and in despair for want of ships and by the recent loss of so many young men. They had neither allies, nor mercenaries, nor supplies for enduring a siege, nor anything else in readiness for this sudden and unheralded war. They knew that they could not prevail against the Romans and Masinissa combined. They sent another embassy to Rome with full powers to settle the difficulty on any terms they could. The Senate was convened and it told them that if, within thirty days, the Carthaginians would give to the consuls, who were still in Sicily, three hundred children of their noblest families as hostages, and would obey their orders in other respects, the freedom and autonomy of Carthage should be preserved and that they should retain their lands in Africa. This was voted in public, and they gave the resolution to the ambassadors to carry to Carthage; but they sent word privately to the consuls that they should carry out their secret instructions.

[77] The Carthaginians had some suspicion of this Senate resolution, since there was no security given for the return of the hostages. Nevertheless, the danger was so great that they could omit nothing in which hope could be placed. So, anticipating the appointed time, they sent their children into Sicily, amid the tears of the parents, the kindred, and especially the mothers, who clung to their little ones with frantic cries and seized hold of the ships and of the officers who were taking them away, even holding the anchors and tearing the ropes, and throwing their arms around the sailors in order to prevent the ships from moving; some of them even swam out far into the sea beside the ships, shedding tears and gazing at their children. Some of them tore out their hair on the shore and smote their breasts in the extremity of their grief. It seemed to them that they were giving hostages only nominally, but were really giving up the city, when they surrendered their children without any fixed conditions. Many of them predicted, with lamentations, that it would profit the city nothing to have delivered up their children. Such were the scenes that took place in Carthage when the hostages were sent away. When the consuls received them in Sicily they sent them to Rome, and said to the Carthaginians that they would give them further information at Utica in reference to the ending of the war.

[78] Crossing to the latter place they pitched the camp for their infantry at the same place where that of Scipio had formerly been. The fleet remained in the harbor of Utica. When the ambassadors came there from Carthage the consuls placed themselves on a high seat, with the chief officers and military tribunes standing near, and the whole army drawn up on either side with arms glistening and standards erect, in order that the ambassadors might be impressed in this way with the strength of the expedition. When the consuls had proclaimed silence by the trumpet, a herald told the Carthaginian envoys to come forward, and they advanced through the long camp, but did not draw near to the place where the consuls sat, because they were fenced off by a rope. The consuls then ordered them to tell what they wanted. The envoys then told a various and pitiful tale about the former agreements between the Romans and themselves, about the antiquity of Carthage, its size and power, and its wide dominion on land and sea. They said that they did not mention these things in a boasting way, this was no fit occasion for boasting, "but that you, Romans (they said), may be moved to moderation and clemency by the example of our sudden change of fortune. The bravest are those who pity the fallen, and they may cherish confidence in their own continued prosperity in proportion as they do nothing to the injury of others. Such a course will be worthy of you, Romans, and of that reverent spirit which you, of all men, most profess.

[79] "But even if we had met ruthless enemies we have suffered enough. Our leadership on land and sea has been taken from us; we delivered our ships to you, and we have not built others; we have abstained from the hunting and possession of elephants. We have given you, both before and now, our noblest hostages, and we have paid tribute to you regularly, we who had always been accustomed to receive it from others. These things were satisfactory to your fathers, with whom we had been at war. They entered into an agreement with us that we should be friends and allies, and we took the same oath together to observe the agreement. And they, with whom we had been at war, observed the agreement faithfully afterward. But you, with whom we have never come to blows, what part of the treaty do you accuse us of violating, that you vote for war so suddenly, and march against us without even declaring it? Have we not paid the tribute? Have we any ships, or any hateful elephants? Have we not been faithful to you from that time to this? Are we not to be pitied for the recent loss of 50,000 men by hunger? But we have fought against Masinissa, you say. He was always grabbing our property, and we endured all things on your account. While holding, all the time and contrary to right, the very ground on which he was nurtured and educated, he seized other lands of ours around Emporium, and after taking that he invaded still others, until the peace which we made with you was broken. If this is an excuse for the war, we condemned those who resisted him, and we sent our ambassadors to you to make the necessary explanations, and afterwards others empowered to make a settlement on any terms you pleased. What need is there of a fleet, an expedition, an army against men who do not acknowledge that they have done wrong, but who, nevertheless, put themselves entirely in your hands? That we are not deceiving you, and that we will submit ungrudgingly to whatever penalty you impose, we demonstrated plainly when we sent, as hostages, the children of our noblest families, demanded by you, as soon as the decree of your Senate ordered us to do so, not even waiting the expiration of the thirty days. It was a part of this decree that if we would deliver the hostages Carthage should remain free under her own laws and in the enjoyment of her possessions."

[80] So spake the ambassadors. Then Censorinus rose and replied as follows: "Why is it necessary that I should tell you the causes of the war, Carthaginians, when your ambassadors have been at Rome and have learned them from the Senate? What you have stated falsely, that I will refute. The decree itself declared, and we gave you notice in Sicily when we received the hostages, that the rest of the conditions would be made known to you at Utica. For your promptness in sending the hostages and your care in selecting them, you are entitled to praise. If you are sincerely desirous of peace why do you need any arms? Bring all your weapons and engines of war, both public and private, and deliver them to us." When he had thus spoken the ambassadors said that they would comply with this order also, but that they did not know how they could defend themselves against Hasdrubal, whom they had condemned to death, and who was now leading 20,000 men against them, and was already encamped near Carthage. When the consul said that he would take care of Hasdrubal they promised to deliver up their arms. Thereupon Cornelius Scipio Nasica and Cnæus Cornelius Hispanus were sent with the ambassadors, and they received complete armor for 200,000 men, besides innumerable javelins and darts, and 2000 catapults for throwing pointed missiles and stones. When they came back it was a remarkable and unparalleled spectacle to behold the vast number of loaded wagons which the enemy themselves brought in. The ambassadors accompanied them, together with numerous senators and other leading men of the city, priests and distinguished persons, who hoped to inspire the consuls with respect or pity for them. They were brought in and stood in their robes before the consuls. Again Censorinus (who was a better speaker than his colleague) rose, and with a stern countenance spoke as follows: --

[81] "Your ready obedience up to this point, Carthaginians, in the matter of the hostages and the arms, is worthy of all praise. In cases of necessity we must not multiply words. Bear bravely the remaining commands of the Senate. Yield Carthage to us, and betake yourselves where you like within your own territory at a distance of at least ten miles from the sea, for we are resolved to raze your city to the ground." While he was yet speaking, the Carthaginians lifted their hands toward heaven with loud cries, and called on the gods as avengers of violated faith. They heaped reproaches on the Romans, as if willing to die, or insane, or determined to provoke the Romans to sacrilegious violence to ambassadors. They flung themselves on the ground and beat it with their hands and heads. Some of them even tore their clothes and lacerated their flesh as though they were absolutely bereft of their senses. After the first frenzy was past there was great silence and prostration as of men lying dead. The Romans were struck with amazement, and the consuls thought it best to bear with men who were overwhelmed at an appalling command until their indignation should subside, for they well knew that great dangers often bring desperate courage on the instant, which time and necessity gradually subdue. This was the case with the Carthaginians, for when the sense of their calamity came over them, during the interval of silence, they ceased their reproaches and began to bewail, with fresh lamentations, their own fate and that of their wives and children, calling them by name, and also their country, as though she could hear their cries like a human being. The priests invoked their temples, and the gods within them, as though they were present, accusing them of being the cause of their destruction. So pitiable was this mingling together of public and private grief that it drew tears from the Romans themselves.

[82] The consuls, although moved to pity by this exhibition of the mutability of human affairs, awaited with stern countenances the end of their lamentations. When their outcries ceased there was another interval of silence, in which they reflected that their city was without arms, that it was empty of defenders, that it had not a ship, not a catapult, not a javelin, not a sword, nor a sufficient number of fighting men, having lost 50,000 a short time ago. They had neither mercenaries, nor friends, nor allies, nor time to procure any. Their enemies were in possession of their children, their arms, and their territory. Their city was besieged by foes provided with ships, infantry, cavalry, and engines, while Masinissa, their other enemy, was on their flank. Seeing the uselessness of lamentation and reproaches they desisted from them, and again began to talk. Banno, surnamed Tigillas, the most distinguished man among them, having obtained permission to speak, said:--

[83] "If it is permitted to repeat what we have already said to you, Romans, we would speak once more, not as though we were contending for rights (since disputation is never timely for the unfortunate), but that you may perceive that pity on your part toward us is not without excuse and not without reason. We were once the rulers of Africa and of the greater part of the sea, and we contended with yourselves for empire. We desisted from this in the time of Scipio, when we gave up to you all the ships and elephants we had. We agreed to pay you tribute and we pay it at the appointed time. Now, in the name of the gods who witnessed the oaths, spare us, respect the oath sworn by Scipio that the Romans and Carthaginians should be allies and friends. We have not violated the treaty. We have no ships, no elephants. The tribute is not in default. On the contrary, we have fought on your side against three kings. You must not take offence at this recital, although we mentioned it before when you demanded our arms. Our calamities make us verbose, and nothing gives more force to an appeal than the terms of a treaty. Nor can we take refuge in anything else than words, since we have given all other power over to you. Such, Romans, were the former conditions, for which Scipio was our surety. Of the present ones you, consuls, are yourselves the doers and the witnesses. You asked hostages, and we gave you our best. You asked for our arms, and you have received them all, which even captured cities do not willingly give up. We had confidence in your habits and your character. Your Senate sent us word, and you confirmed it, when the hostages were demanded, that if they were delivered, Carthage should be left free and autonomous. If it was added that we should endure your further commands it was not to be expected that in the matter of the hostages you would, in your distinct demand, promise that the city should be independent, and then besides the hostages would make a further demand that Carthage itself be destroyed. If it is right for you to destroy it, how can you leave it free and autonomous as you said you would?

[92] Then followed a scene of indescribable fury and madness such as the Mænads are said to enact in the Bacchic mysteries. Some fell upon those senators who had advised giving the hostages and tore them in pieces, considering them the ones who had led them into the trap. Others treated in a similar way those who had favored giving up the arms. Some stoned the ambassadors for bringing the bad news and others dragged them through the city. Still others, meeting certain Italians, who were caught among them in this sudden and unexpected mischance, maltreated them in various ways, saying that they would make them suffer for the fraud practised upon them in the matter of the hostages and the arms. The city was full of wailing and wrath, of fear and threatenings. People roamed the streets invoking whatever was most dear to them and took refuge in the temples as in asylums. They upbraided their gods for not being able to defend themselves. Some went into the arsenals and wept when they found them empty. Others ran to the dockyards and bewailed the ships that had been surrendered to perfidious men. Some called their elephants by name, as though they had been present, and reviled their own ancestors and themselves for not perishing, sword in hand, with their country, instead of paying tribute and giving up their elephants, their ships, and their arms. Most of all was their anger kindled by the mothers of the hostages who, like Furies in a tragedy, accosted those whom they met with shrieks and accused them of giving away their children against their protest, or mocked at them, saying that the gods were now taking vengeance on them for the lost children. A few kept their wits about them, closed the gates, and brought stones upon the walls to be used in place of catapults.
 
#4
Quellenangabe
Polybius 36.4.6; 5.6-9.; 6.1-7.5; 36.11.3.
Quellentext
[36.4.6] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ στρατηγοῦ διασαφοῦντος διότι τεύξονται τούτων, ἐὰν τριακοσίους ὁμήρους εἰς τὸ Λιλύβαιον ἐκπέμψωσιν ἐν τριάκονθ᾽ ἡμέραις τοὺς υἱοὺς τῶν ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τῆς γερουσίας καὶ τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων παραγγελλομένοις πειθαρχήσωσιν, [...]

[36.5.6] πάντων δὲ διὰ τὸν ἐφεστῶτα πόλεμον καὶ διὰ τὸ τῆς προσδοκίας ἄδηλον φερομένων ἐπὶ τὸ πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις, ἔδοξεν πέμπειν τοὺς ὁμήρους εἰς τὸ Λιλύβαιον.
[7] καὶ παραυτίκα καταλέξαντες τριακοσίους τῶν νέων ἐξέπεμπον μετὰ μεγάλης οἰμωγῆς καὶ δακρύων, ἅτε προπεμπόντων ἕκαστον τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ συγγενῶν, καὶ μάλιστα τῶν γυναικῶν ἐκκαουσῶν τὴν τοιαύτην διάθεσιν.
[8] ἐπεὶ δὲ κατέπλευσαν εἰς τὸ Λιλύβαιον, οἱ μὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς παρεδόθησαν διὰ τῶν ὑπάτων Κοΐντῳ Φαβίῳ Μαξίμῳ — συνέβαινε γὰρ τοῦτον ἐπὶ τῆς Σικελίας τετάχθαι στρατηγὸν τότε —
[9] δι᾽ οὗ παρακομισθέντες ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην συνεκλείσθησαν ὁμοῦ πάντες εἰς τὸ τῆς ἑκκαιδεκήρους νεώριον ***

[36.6.1-7.5] καὶ τῶν μὲν ὁμήρων ἐκεῖσε παραχθέντων, οἱ στρατηγοὶ κατήχθησαν εἰς τὴν τῆς Ἰτύκης ἄκραν. [2] τούτων δὲ προσπεπτωκότων τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ὀρθὴ καὶ περίφοβος ἦν ἡ πόλις διὰ τὴν ἀδηλότητα τῶν προσδοκωμένων. [3] οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς πρεσβευτὰς πέμπειν τοὺς πευσομένους τῶν ὑπάτων τί δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ διασαφήσοντας ὅτι πρὸς πᾶν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον ἕτοιμοι πάντες εἰσίν. [ 4] τῶν δὲ πρεσβευτῶν ἀφικομένων εἰς τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων παρεμβολήν, καὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου συναχθέντος, εἰσελθόντες οἱ πρέσβεις διελέγοντο κατὰ τὰς ἐντολάς. [5] ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτερος τῶν ὑπάτων ἐπαινέσας αὐτῶν τὴν πρόθεσιν καὶ προαίρεσιν ἐκέλευε παραδιδόναι τά θ᾽ ὅπλα καὶ τὰ βέλη πάντα χωρὶς δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης. [6] οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ποιήσειν μὲν ἔφασαν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον, σκοπεῖσθαι δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἠξίουν τὸ συμβησόμενον, ἐὰν αὐτοὶ μὲν παραχωρήσωσι τῶν ὅπλων, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ λαβόντες ἀποπλεύσωσιν. ὅμως ταῦτα ἔδωκαν. — [7] δῆλον ἐγένετο διότι μέγα τὸ βάσταγμα τῆς πόλεως ἦν: πλείονα γὰρ εἴκοσι μυριάδων ὅπλα παρέδωκαν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ καταπέλτας δισχιλίους. — [1] ἁπλῶς δ᾽ οὐδὲν εἶδος τῶν μελλόντων ἔγνωσαν, [2] ἐξ αὐτῆς δὲ τῆς ἐμφάσεως ὀττευόμενοι τῶν πρέσβεων εἰς παντοδαπὰς οἰμωγὰς καὶ θρήνους ἐνέπιπτον. — [3]οἱ δὲ πάντες ἅμ᾽ ἀνακεκραγότες ἐξ αὐτῆς οἱονεὶ παρελύθησαν. [4] ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ λόγου διαδοθέντος εἰς τὸ πλῆθος, οὐκέτι συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀλογίαν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ὥρμων, ὡς αἰτίους σφίσι τῶν κακῶν ὄντας τούτων, [5] οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς κατειλημμένους τῶν Ἰταλικῶν καὶ ἐπὶ τούτους ἀπηρείσαντο τὸν θυμόν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὰς πύλας τῆς πόλεως *** —

[36.11.3] ἀφικόμενοι δ᾽ εἰς Κέρκυραν καὶ καταλαβόντες αὐτοῦ γράμματα παρὰ τῶν ὑπάτων προσπεπτωκότα τοῖς Κερκυραίοις, ἐν οἷς διεσάφουν ὅτι τοὺς μὲν ὁμήρους ἤδη παραδεδώκασιν αὐτοῖς οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι, πάντως ἕτοιμοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν αὐτοῖς πειθαρχεῖν, [...].
Übersetzungen
[36.4.6] But after this, when the praetor informed them that they would obtain these favours if within thirty days they sent to Lilybaeum three hundred hostages, sons of senators or of members of the Gerousia, and if they obeyed the orders of the consuls, they were somewhat at a loss to know what these orders would be.

[36.5.6-9] But as they all, owing to the war being close upon them and owing to the uncertainty of the future, were inclined to obey the orders, it was decided to send the hostages to Lilybaeum, and choosing at once three hundred of their young men they dispatched them with great lamentations and tears, as each was escorted by his near friends and relatives, the women being especially violent in their grief. On arriving at Lilybaeum the hostages were at once handed over through the consuls to Quintus Fabius Maximus, who was then in command in Sicily, and by him they were safely conveyed to Rome and the whole body confined in the dock of the large warship with sixteen banks of oars.

[6.1] After the hostages had been brought to Rome the Roman commander landed at the Cape of Utica. [2] Upon this news reaching Carthage the whole city was in great excitement and terror, owing to the uncertainty that prevailed as to what they were to expect. [3] They decided, however, to send envoys to the consuls to ask them what they must do and inform them that all were disposed to obey any command. [4] Upon their arrival at the Roman camp a council was called and the envoys spoke according to their instructions. [5[ The elder of the two consuls, after commending their decision and their compliant temper, ordered them to surrender all their arms and missiles without fraud or deceit. [6] The envoys said they would comply with the order, but begged the Romans to consider what would happen to them if they gave up all their arms and the Romans took them and sailed away with them. Nevertheless they gave them up.

(Suidas)

[7] It was evident that power of the city was very great, for they gave up to the Romans more than two hundred thousand suits of mail and two thousand catapults.

(Suidas)

[7.1] They had absolutely no notion of any kind of what was in store for them, [2] but auguring the worst from the manner alone of the envoys, they gave vent to every kind of lament and plaint.

(Suidas)

[3] After one loud cry they remained, as it were, without power of utterance. [4] But when the news quickly spread among the people there was no more speechlessness, but some threw themselves upon the envoys, as if it were all their fault, [5] others attacked such Italians as were detained in the city and vented their wrath on them, and others rushed to the gates.

[36.11.3] On arriving at Corcyra and finding there a letter addressed by the consuls to the Corcyraeans, in which they informed them that the Carthaginians had already delivered the hostages to them and were ready to comply with all their orders, I thought that the war was over, and that there was no further need for my services, and therefore I at once sailed back to the Peloponnesus.
Hyperlink zur Quelle
www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0233%3Abook%3D36%3Achapter%3D4%3Asection%3D6
Literatur (Auswahl)
Walker, Hostages, Case-Nr. 158.
Akteur
 
#1
Name, Titel/Rang
Senat von Rom
Rolle
Vertragspartner
Zugehörigkeit
Rom
 
#2
Name, Titel/Rang
Karthago
Rolle
Vertragspartner
Zugehörigkeit
Karthago
Religiöse Konstellation
(Keine Auswahl)
Art der Übereinkunft
Unterwerfung
Ort der Geiselstellung
Karthago
Geltungsbereich
Karthago und Umland
Weitere Sicherheitsinstrumente
Befristung
Nein
Anzahl der Geiseln
300
Personenangaben zu den Geiseln
 
#1
Name, Titel
Adelige (in: Liv. Per. 49.)
Geschlecht
(Keine Auswahl)
 
#2
Name, Titel
Senatorensöhne (in: Diod. 32.6.1-2.)
Geschlecht
männlich
 
#3
Name, Titel
Kinder aus den adeligsten Familien Karthagos
Geschlecht
(Keine Auswahl)
 
#4
Name, Titel
Senatorensöhne und Mitglieder der Gerusia (in: Polybius 36.4.6; 5.6-9.; 6.1-7.5; 36.11.3.)
Geschlecht
(Keine Auswahl)
Antritt der Vergeiselung
ja
Aufenthaltsort der Geiseln
Lilybaeum, Sizilien / Rom
Unterbringung/Verwahrung
Schiffsdock (Ostia?)
Schicksal der Geiseln
Terminus
Semantisches Feld 'Sicherheit'
βεβαίᾳ
Terminus 'Übereinkunft'
τὴν παράδοσιν τῆς χώρας / se dedebant